BarcelonaHispanicity has opened a background debate on the Spanish right. In immigration struggle, the PP wants to prioritize Latin America to receive newcomers, to the detriment of African nations or Islamic matrix. He has devised the point visa, which rewards “cultural proximity”, and was claimed by Alberto Núñez Feijóo and the Madrid president, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, who said that “Hispanic immigration is not immigration”. The offensive opens unknowns such as what the Hispanity implies and how it can impact on the demos. That is, what is to be Spanish? Does Spanishism look at 48 million inhabitants of Spain or to the 600 million that it claims to include Hispanicity?
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Immigration policies are only the first link in a rumor that hides linguistic and religious reasons behind the product of colonization. Thus, the Spanish intelligentsia is being pronounced as is the case with a long career in Latin America: the philosopher and educator Gregorio Luri seconded the Ayuso approach and, in conversation with the ARA, argues that “Hispanic immigration is not immigration”. He says he has lived in Mexico, Puerto Rico, Colombia, etc. and that “never” has been “felt” foreign “, but” much closer than with France “. Hispanicity, with the Spanish cultural and linguistic thread, has consequences, so that the history has put “in the hands” of Spain “a tool” and can be “used as a launch weapon or as a tool to build a future”.
With the aim of making “a plural people and a” at the same time, it believes that “it is easier to strengthen it with the Hispanic Americans than with the Moroccans”. “This does not mean closing the door to anyone, but not all that we welcome helps us to strengthen this one,” he says. Luri emphasizes that “does not mean linking to a past”, but “a future” is easier with affinity than with divergences “to enhance the feeling of community. He says, for example, that these South American countries “opened their doors to republican immigration” with good integration and “corresponds to it.”
Fracture
But many Latin Americans oppose Hispanicity. To coincide with his stay in Barcelona for the Indifest Festival of Indigenous Cinema, organized by Alternativa, an organization that promotes the rights of indigenous peoples, the ARA talks with researcher Miguel Melin Pehuen, from Mapuche, in Chile, and with the filmmaker Frida Muenala, from the Quíchua de la Ecuador community. Melin, who speaks Mapudungun – who does not teach at school – and learned Spanish at the age of fifteen, rejects the Spanish homeland mother: “The speech of Hispanicity is protected by the doctrine of discovery, which never existed, but was an invasion of Spanish colonialism.” He sees Hispanicity as a “homogenizing, Eurocentric idea, of an apparent hegemonic dispute of the language between Spanish and English, which serves to whiten the monarchy” and warns that Spanish “is a language of colonization, imposed with blood and discrimination based on a genocide.”
As he praises the indigenous uprising, he pleases that “the Latin American elite has made his” Hispanicity’s speech “, denying the people, mostly mixed.” For his part, Muenala, being “distant” the concept of Hispanicity and says that “he has not allowed” the territories to develop “. Underline the “resistance” of indigenous communities to Hispanicity. “It is clear how violent in our territories and how it has influenced the forms of government as a result of colonialism, which invisible the indigenous peoples, imposing a thought, a structure and an alien language,” he says. He regrets that although there is in Spain who “clings to this to build the sense of nation” and denounce the situation in Ecuador, where they have emerged “racial differences” and the indigenous movement, is protesting against a hostile conservative government.
Luri Diverges on the language: “At the time of the independence of American countries, the people who spoke Spanish were around 15% because there had been no decisive desire to linguistically Hispanizing. It was when they became independent that they wanted to create cultural unity and national identity,” he says.
Strategy
The professor of political science at the UOC Ivan Serrano Balaguer states that “other cases that had been empires have found the same way of facing their past.” There is the French and English case, with common points. He states that “immigration from contemporary societies comes from countries in colonial relation and in the Spanish case we try to cultivate relations with the rhetoric of Hispanicity.” “In the context of the emergency of the far right,” he recounts that with “the language and religious proximity of Latin America,” he reinterpreted to prioritize immigration.
Although Vox claims Hispanicity and ties of Spaniards with Latin Americans for the language and history, he has marked distances with the PP with respect to immigration because even though they want to prioritize it in legal immigration, they say that in Spain “no one else”. Serrano comments that the PP cry also must be understood by the “nuances” with respect to Vox, which may be more “forceful”, with the addition that Madrid in “Latin American capital of Europe” also serves the Ayuso Plan, which “seeks to attract capital of Venezuelan economic exiles” and elsewhere. He also recalls that the idea of Hispanicity “works more in Spain than in Latin America because the countries that become independent are trying to create their own emancipation stories” with respect to a Spain that was “resource extractor”.
